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Asbrook for President
by David Pietrusza
From The Albany Student Press
February 29, 1972
by David Pietrusza
From The Albany Student Press
February 29, 1972
The candidacy of Congressman John Ashbrook of Ohio in the New Hampshire and Florida
primaries is based on a premise that Richard Milhous Nixon's performance these last three years
has not been conservative enough. Yet this is what John Ashbrook truly believes, and he is not
alone. Behind his seemingly quixotic crusade stand most of the leaders of intellectual conservatism
in America - among them William F. Buckley of National Review, Thomas S. Winter of Human
Events, J. Daniel Mahoney of the New York State Conservative Party, and Ronald F. Docksai of
Young Americans for Freedom--and the reasons behind their discontent, and the hopes they have
for the Ashbrook candidacy are not as unrealistic as they first seem.
First, many conservatives (among whom were some of the President's most enthusiastic backers in
1968) feel that the 1972 model Nixon has changed greatly from the 1968 Nixon, and that the
change has been for the worse. They sense that they have been had, and basically they are correct.
Few persons of whatever political persuasion would have, in 1968, looked ahead to a Nixon visit
to Peking or the ousting of Nationalist China from the United Nations. Few expected a Republican
president to saddle America's free market economy with wage and price controls. Few had
inklings of a Family Assistance Plan which would double the number of those on welfare, or of a
projected $70 billion dollar deficit for the upcoming fiscal year.
But besides these errors of commission, conservatives also find Nixon guilty of serious errors of
omission. In their opinion Nixon has tragically failed to cut back any of the social legislation of the
Johnson years. Even more alarming, however, in their view, is the Nixon failure to take sufficient
steps to secure the nation's security in the face of increasing Soviet challenges in strategic
armaments and in naval power, particularly in the Indian Ocean and in the Mediterranean.
So it can be seen that conservatives who have supported Nixon have been disappointed. Still what
possible gain could result from the Ashbrook campaign. I really expect to beat Nixon either for the
nomination or in any single primary, rather they hope to influence Nixon to operate in a more
conservative fashion. The effort is not to "dump" Nixon, but instead to push him in the right
direction. Some feel that Nixon has already begun to drift toward starboard because of the
Ashbrook candidacy. Human Events, for example, theorizes that the President's veto of child
development legislation, his statement to CBS correspondent Dan Rather in support of keeping
Vice President Agnew on the ticket, and a new Administration energy in regard to defense
priorities, can all be traced to the efforts of the Ohio congressman.
Although his showing in the polls has been small, Nixon has turned much attention to his
conservative challenger. Prominent Republican conservatives such as Ronald Reagan, Barry
Goldwater, John Tower, William Brock and Spiro Agnew, have all been scheduled to take to the
stump for candidate Nixon.
Reports have circulated that Nixon forces have planned a primary campaign in Ohio to unseat
Ashbrook from his Congressional seat. (This is not the first time G.O.P. higher-ups have tried to
rid themselves of Rep. Ashbrook. He has been gerrymandered twice, but escaped unscathed in
both cases.) According to columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, Mr. Nixon dispatched
Vice-President Agnew to dissuade William P. Buckley from supporting Ashbrook. In the same
vein, John Mitchell, up to the last minute, implored John Ashbrook not to run. And when L.E.
Thomas, Republican State GOP Chairman, predicted that Ashbrook would receive 25% in that
state's primary, he was quickly brought into line and is now predicting an Ashbrook disaster.
So much for the Ashbrook campaign. What about Ashbrook himself? Although largely unknown
to the general public, the 43 year-old Congressman has long been known and respected among
the nation's conservative community. A poll of conservatives conducted in 1969 ranked Ashbrook
behind only Goldwater, Reagan, Tower and Bill Buckley in their respect. While the Ohio AFL-
CIO has termed him "a Neanderthal, mossback reactionary", others have described him as "an
attractive and militant conservative," and one of "the world's most charming, intelligent and natural
men . . . "
In 1956 at the age of 28, he was elected to the state legislature and also to the post of GOP
County Chairman. Meanwhile in 1954 he was elected president of the YR organization, and one
year later became the first chairman of the Young Republican National Federation to be elected
without opposition. In 1960 he defeated incumbent Robert Levering and began his congressional
career.
In the House, Ashbrook compiled a solidly conservative record and until recently served as
chairman of the American Conservative Union. Early in the Nixon administration, Ashbrook's
disenchantment began, and soon he was challenging one Nixon program after another, but his
formal break with the President did not come until last December. Said Ashbrook, "I am not one
of those who 'can view with alarm' under Kennedy and Johnson, then 'point with pride' when the
same policies are advanced by a Republican President. In time some circumstances may change,
but basic principles remain the same." And that fact that John Ashbrook holds fast to his principles,
no matter what the cost, earns him respect from even those who hold differing viewpoints.
primaries is based on a premise that Richard Milhous Nixon's performance these last three years
has not been conservative enough. Yet this is what John Ashbrook truly believes, and he is not
alone. Behind his seemingly quixotic crusade stand most of the leaders of intellectual conservatism
in America - among them William F. Buckley of National Review, Thomas S. Winter of Human
Events, J. Daniel Mahoney of the New York State Conservative Party, and Ronald F. Docksai of
Young Americans for Freedom--and the reasons behind their discontent, and the hopes they have
for the Ashbrook candidacy are not as unrealistic as they first seem.
First, many conservatives (among whom were some of the President's most enthusiastic backers in
1968) feel that the 1972 model Nixon has changed greatly from the 1968 Nixon, and that the
change has been for the worse. They sense that they have been had, and basically they are correct.
Few persons of whatever political persuasion would have, in 1968, looked ahead to a Nixon visit
to Peking or the ousting of Nationalist China from the United Nations. Few expected a Republican
president to saddle America's free market economy with wage and price controls. Few had
inklings of a Family Assistance Plan which would double the number of those on welfare, or of a
projected $70 billion dollar deficit for the upcoming fiscal year.
But besides these errors of commission, conservatives also find Nixon guilty of serious errors of
omission. In their opinion Nixon has tragically failed to cut back any of the social legislation of the
Johnson years. Even more alarming, however, in their view, is the Nixon failure to take sufficient
steps to secure the nation's security in the face of increasing Soviet challenges in strategic
armaments and in naval power, particularly in the Indian Ocean and in the Mediterranean.
So it can be seen that conservatives who have supported Nixon have been disappointed. Still what
possible gain could result from the Ashbrook campaign. I really expect to beat Nixon either for the
nomination or in any single primary, rather they hope to influence Nixon to operate in a more
conservative fashion. The effort is not to "dump" Nixon, but instead to push him in the right
direction. Some feel that Nixon has already begun to drift toward starboard because of the
Ashbrook candidacy. Human Events, for example, theorizes that the President's veto of child
development legislation, his statement to CBS correspondent Dan Rather in support of keeping
Vice President Agnew on the ticket, and a new Administration energy in regard to defense
priorities, can all be traced to the efforts of the Ohio congressman.
Although his showing in the polls has been small, Nixon has turned much attention to his
conservative challenger. Prominent Republican conservatives such as Ronald Reagan, Barry
Goldwater, John Tower, William Brock and Spiro Agnew, have all been scheduled to take to the
stump for candidate Nixon.
Reports have circulated that Nixon forces have planned a primary campaign in Ohio to unseat
Ashbrook from his Congressional seat. (This is not the first time G.O.P. higher-ups have tried to
rid themselves of Rep. Ashbrook. He has been gerrymandered twice, but escaped unscathed in
both cases.) According to columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, Mr. Nixon dispatched
Vice-President Agnew to dissuade William P. Buckley from supporting Ashbrook. In the same
vein, John Mitchell, up to the last minute, implored John Ashbrook not to run. And when L.E.
Thomas, Republican State GOP Chairman, predicted that Ashbrook would receive 25% in that
state's primary, he was quickly brought into line and is now predicting an Ashbrook disaster.
So much for the Ashbrook campaign. What about Ashbrook himself? Although largely unknown
to the general public, the 43 year-old Congressman has long been known and respected among
the nation's conservative community. A poll of conservatives conducted in 1969 ranked Ashbrook
behind only Goldwater, Reagan, Tower and Bill Buckley in their respect. While the Ohio AFL-
CIO has termed him "a Neanderthal, mossback reactionary", others have described him as "an
attractive and militant conservative," and one of "the world's most charming, intelligent and natural
men . . . "
In 1956 at the age of 28, he was elected to the state legislature and also to the post of GOP
County Chairman. Meanwhile in 1954 he was elected president of the YR organization, and one
year later became the first chairman of the Young Republican National Federation to be elected
without opposition. In 1960 he defeated incumbent Robert Levering and began his congressional
career.
In the House, Ashbrook compiled a solidly conservative record and until recently served as
chairman of the American Conservative Union. Early in the Nixon administration, Ashbrook's
disenchantment began, and soon he was challenging one Nixon program after another, but his
formal break with the President did not come until last December. Said Ashbrook, "I am not one
of those who 'can view with alarm' under Kennedy and Johnson, then 'point with pride' when the
same policies are advanced by a Republican President. In time some circumstances may change,
but basic principles remain the same." And that fact that John Ashbrook holds fast to his principles,
no matter what the cost, earns him respect from even those who hold differing viewpoints.
